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Seven strong claims about successful school …

< strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > leadershipKenneth Leithwood, Christopher Day, Pam Sammons, Alma Harris and David HopkinsIntroductionThis is a summary of the key findings of a review of literature undertaken by the authors as a point of departure for a large-scale empirical study organised around what we refer to as < strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > . These < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > are not all < strong >strongstrong > in quite the same way, as we shall explain, but they all find support in varying amounts of quite robust empirical evidence, the first two having attracted the largest amount of such evidence.

Claim 2: Almost all successful leaders draw on the same repertoire of basic leadership practices This claim emerges from recent research initiatives, and we believe that its implications for leadership

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Transcription of Seven strong claims about successful school …

1 < strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > leadershipKenneth Leithwood, Christopher Day, Pam Sammons, Alma Harris and David HopkinsIntroductionThis is a summary of the key findings of a review of literature undertaken by the authors as a point of departure for a large-scale empirical study organised around what we refer to as < strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > . These < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > are not all < strong >strongstrong > in quite the same way, as we shall explain, but they all find support in varying amounts of quite robust empirical evidence, the first two having attracted the largest amount of such evidence.

2 Those in < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > roles have a tremendous responsibility to get it right. Fortunately, we know a great deal < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > what getting it right means. The purpose of this paper is to provide a synopsis of this < strong >strongstrong > claims1. < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > is second only to classroom teaching as an influence on pupil Almost all successful leaders draw on the same repertoire of basic < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > The ways in which leaders apply these basic < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >practicesstrong >strongstrong > > not the < < strong >strongstrong > >practicesstrong >strongstrong > > themselves demonstrate responsiveness to, rather than dictation by, the contexts in which they < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > leaders improve teaching and learning indirectly and most powerfully through their influence on staff motivation.

3 Commitment and working < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > has a greater influence on schools and students when it is widely Some patterns of distribution are more effective than A small handful of personal traits explains a high proportion of the variation in < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > < strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimstrong >strongstrong > > 1: < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > is second only to classroom teaching as an infl uence on pupil learningThis < < strong >strongstrong > >claimstrong >strongstrong > > will be considered controversial by some. We could have claimed simply that < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > leadershiphas a signifi cant effect on pupil learning, but our choice of wording captures the comparative amount of (direct and indirect) infl uence exercised by successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > leaders.

4 < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > acts as a catalyst without which other good things are quite unlikely to happen. Five sources of evidence justify this the middle three sources we identify are quite compelling, it is the fi rst and fi fth sources that placeleadership in contention with sources of evidence1. The fi rst justifi cation for this < < strong >strongstrong > >claimstrong >strongstrong > > is based upon primarily qualitative case study evidence. Studies providing this type of evidence are typically conducted in exceptional < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > Such settings are believed to contribute to pupil learning and achievement that is signifi cantly above or below normal expectations (defi ned, for example, by research on effective schools based on comparing value-added similarities and differences among high and low performing schools).

5 Studies of this type usually report very large < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > effects, not only on pupil learning but on an array of < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > conditions as What is lacking in this evidence, however, is external validity or generalisability. 2. The second type of evidence < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > effects is from large-scale quantitative studies of overall leader effects. Evidence of this type reported between 1 0 and 1 (approximately four dozen studies across all types of < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > ) has been reviewed in several papers by Hallinger and These reviews conclude that the combined direct and indirect effects of < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > on pupil outcomes are small but educationally signifi cant.

6 While < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > explains only fi ve to < < strong >strongstrong > >Sevenstrong >strongstrong > > per cent of the difference in pupil learning and achievement across schools (not to be confused with the typically very large differences among pupils within schools), this difference is actually < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > one-quarter of the total difference across schools (12 to 20 per cent) explained by all < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > -level variables, after controlling for pupil intake or background The quantitative < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > effectiveness studies providing much of this data indicate that classroom factors explain more than one-third of the variation in pupil A third type of research < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > effects is, like the second type, large scale and quantitative in nature.

7 However, instead of examining overall < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > effects, it enquires < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > the effects of specifi c < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >practicesstrong >strongstrong > > . A recent meta-analysis,5 for example, identifi ed 21 < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > responsibilities and calculated an average correlation between each one and the measures of pupil achievement used in the original studies. From this data, estimates were made of the effects on pupil test scores. The authors concluded that a 10 percentile point increase in pupil test scores would result from the work of an average headteacher who improved her demonstrated abilities in all 21 For example, see Gezi (1 0) and Reitzug & Patterson (1 ).

8 2 See Mortimore (1 3) for evidence on this point from England, and Scheurich (1 ) for evidence from the United See Hallinger & Heck (1 6a; 1 6b; 1 ). 4 Evidence justifying this point has been reported by Creemers & Reezigt (1 6) and by Townsend (1 4). 5 Results have been reported in more or less detail in two sources: Marzano, Waters & McNulty (2005) and Waters, Marzano & McNulty (2003). < < strong >strongstrong > >Sevenstrong >strongstrong > > < strong >strongstrong > < < strong >strongstrong > >claimsstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >aboutstrong >strongstrong > > successful < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > Leadership44. A fourth source of evidence has explored < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > effects on pupil engagement. In addition to being an important variable in its own right, some evidence suggests that < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > engagement is a < strong >strongstrong > predictor of pupil At least 10 mostly recent large-scale, quantitative, similarly designed studies in Australia and North America have concluded that the effects of transformational < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > on pupil engagement7 are significantly The < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > succession research indicates that unplanned headteacher succession is one of the most common sources of schools failure to progress.

9 In spite of what teachers might do. These studies demonstrate the devastating effects of unplanned headteacher succession, especially on initiatives intended to increase pupil achievement. The appointment and retention of a new headteacher is emerging from the evidence as one of the most important strategies for turning around struggling schools or schools in special measures. Our conclusion from this evidence as a whole is that < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > has very significant effects on the quality of < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > organisation and on pupil learning.

10 As far as we are aware, there is not a single documented case of a < < strong >strongstrong > >schoolstrong >strongstrong > > successfully turning around its pupil achievement trajectory in the absence of talented < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > . One explanation for this is that < < strong >strongstrong > >leadershipstrong >strongstrong > > serves as a catalyst for unleashing the potential capacities that already exist in the organisation. 6 This evidence has been comprehensively reviewed by Frederick, Blumenfeld & Paris (2004). 7 Such evidence can be found in Leithwood & Jantzi (1 a; 1 b); Leithwood, Riedlinger, Bauer & Jantzi (2003); Silins & Mulford (2002) and Silins, Mulford & Zarins (2002).


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