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SELF-CONFIDENCE AND PERSONAL MOTIVATION

self -CONFIDENCEANDPERSONAL MOTIVATIONR oland B nabou and Jean Tirole1 First version: June 1999 This version: June 20011 This paper was previously entitled SELF-CONFIDENCE : Intrapersonal Strategies. We are grateful for help-ful comments and discussions to Dilip Abreu, Olivier Blanchard, Isabelle Brocas, Ed Glaeser, Dan Gilbert, IanJewitt, David Laibson, George Loewenstein, Andrew Postlewaite, Marek Pycia, Matt Rabin, Julio Rotem-berg and three anonymous referees, as well as conference and seminar participants at Chicago, Columbia,Cornell, MIT, the NBER, Northwestern, NYU, the Oxford Young Economists Conference, the University ofPennsylvania, Princeton, Stanford, and Yale. B nabou gratefully acknowledgesfinancial support from theNational Science Foundation (SES 0096431).

The maintenance and enhancement of self-esteem has always been identi fied as a fundamental human impulse. Philosophers, writers, educators and of course psychologists all have emphasized the crucial role played by self-image in motivation, affect, and social interactions. The aim of

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Transcription of SELF-CONFIDENCE AND PERSONAL MOTIVATION

1 self -CONFIDENCEANDPERSONAL MOTIVATIONR oland B nabou and Jean Tirole1 First version: June 1999 This version: June 20011 This paper was previously entitled SELF-CONFIDENCE : Intrapersonal Strategies. We are grateful for help-ful comments and discussions to Dilip Abreu, Olivier Blanchard, Isabelle Brocas, Ed Glaeser, Dan Gilbert, IanJewitt, David Laibson, George Loewenstein, Andrew Postlewaite, Marek Pycia, Matt Rabin, Julio Rotem-berg and three anonymous referees, as well as conference and seminar participants at Chicago, Columbia,Cornell, MIT, the NBER, Northwestern, NYU, the Oxford Young Economists Conference, the University ofPennsylvania, Princeton, Stanford, and Yale. B nabou gratefully acknowledgesfinancial support from theNational Science Foundation (SES 0096431).

2 SELF-CONFIDENCE AND PERSONAL MOTIVATIONR oland B nabou and Jean Tirole1 ABSTRACTWe analyze the value placed by rational agents on self confidence , and the strategies employedin its pursuit. confidence in one s abilities generally enhances MOTIVATION , making it a valuableasset for individuals with imperfect willpower. This demand for self serving beliefs (which canalso arise fromhedonic or signalling motives) must be weighed against the risks of the supply side, we develop a model of self -deception through endogenous memory that rec-onciles the motivated and rational features of human cognition. The resulting intrapersonal gameof strategic communication typically leads to multiple equilibria.

3 While positive thinking canimprove welfare, it can also be self -defeating (and nonetheless pursued).1 This paper was previously entitled SELF-CONFIDENCE : Intrapersonal Strategies. We are grateful for helpfulcomments and discussions to Dilip Abreu, Olivier Blanchard, Isabelle Brocas, Ed Glaeser, Dan Gilbert, Ian Jewitt,David Laibson, George Loewenstein, Andrew Postlewaite, Marek Pycia, Matt Rabin, Julio Rotemberg and threeanonymous referees, as well as conference and seminar participants at Chicago, Columbia, Cornell, MIT, the NBER,Northwestern, NYU, the Oxford Young Economists Conference, the University of Pennsylvania, Princeton, Stanford,and Yale. B nabou gratefully acknowledgesfinancial support from the National Science Foundation (SES 0096431).

4 0 Believe what is in the line of your needs, for only by such belief is the need faith that you can successfully make it, and your feet are nerved to its accomplish-ment .William James,Principles of Psychology. I have done this, says my memory. I cannot have done that, says my pride, remaininginexorable. Finally memory yields. Friedrich Nietzsche,Jenseits von Gut und B se. I had during many years followed the Golden Rule, namely, that whenever a publishedfact, a new observation or thought came across me, which was opposed to my generalresults, to make a memorandum of it without fail and at once; for I had found byexperience that such (contrary and thus unwelcome) facts and thoughts were far moreapt to escape from memory than favorable ones.

5 Charles ,by Francis maintenance and enhancement of self - esteem has always been identified as a fundamentalhuman impulse. Philosophers, writers, educators and of course psychologists all have emphasizedthe crucial role played by self -image in MOTIVATION , affect, and social interactions. The aim ofthis paper is to bring these concerns into the realm of economic analysis, and show that this hasimportant implications for how agents process information and make decisions. Conversely, thetools of economic modelling can help shed light on a number of apparently irrational behaviorsdocumented by , both the demand and the supply sides of self confidence appear at odds with economists view of human behavior and cognition.

6 Why should people prefer rosy views of themselves toaccurate ones, or want to impart such beliefs to their children? From car accidents, failed and day trading to the space shuttle disaster and lost wars, the costs of overconfidence areplain for all to see. Even granting that some positive illusions could be desirable, is it evenpossible for a rational, Bayesian individual to deceive himself into holding them? Finally, thewelfare consequences of so-called self serving beliefs are far from clear: while thinking positive is often viewed as a good thing, self deception is not, even though the former is only a particularform of the analyze these issues we develop in this paper a simple formal framework that unifies a numberof themes from the psychology literature, and brings to light some of their economic consider the demand side of SELF-CONFIDENCE , and identify in Section I three main reasons whypeople may prefer optimistic self -views to accurate ones: a consumption value, a signalling value,1and a MOTIVATION value.

7 First, people may just derive utility from thinking well of themselves, andconverselyfind a poor self -image painful. Second, believing rightly or wrongly that one possessescertain qualities may make it easier to convince others of it. Finally, confidence in his abilities andefficacy can help the individual undertake more ambitious goals and persist in the face of we shall mostly focus on this last explanation, all three should be seen as complementary,and for many purposes work equally well with the supply side of our model ( self deception).The main reason why we emphasize the MOTIVATION theory is its substantially broader explana-tory power. Indeed, it yields an endogenous value of self confidence that responds to the situationsand incentives which the individual faces, in a way that can account for both can-do optimismand defensive pessimism.

8 It also readily extends to economic and social interactions (altruisticor not), explaining why people generally prefer self confident partners to self doubting ones, andinvest both time and effort in supporting the latter s premise of the MOTIVATION theory is that people have imperfect knowledge of theirown abilities, or more generally of the eventual costs and secondone is that ability and effort interact in determining performance; in most instances they arecomplements, so thata higher SELF-CONFIDENCE enhances the MOTIVATION to demonstrated bythe opening quote from James [1890], this complementarity has long been familiar in is also consistent with the standard observation that morale plays a key role in difficult endeavors;conversely, when people expect to fail they fail quite effectively, and failure leads to failure morereadily for individuals characterized with low self - esteem (Salancik [1977]).

9 Thefactthatahigherself- confidence enhances the individual s MOTIVATION gives anyone witha vested interest in his performance an incentive to build up and maintain his self - esteem . First,the manipulator could be another person (parent, teacher, spouse, friend, colleague, manager)who is eager to see him get his act together , or otherwise apply himself to the task at are studied in B nabou and Tirole [2000]. Second, for an individualsuffering from time inconsistency ( , hyperbolic discounting), the current self has a vested interestin the SELF-CONFIDENCE of future selves, as it helps counter their natural tendency to quit too easily. Itis in this context, which builds on Carrillo and Mariotti [2000], that we shall the investigate a varietyofintrapersonalstrategies of self esteem maintenance.

10 We shall thus see how and when peoplemay choose to remain ignorant about their own abilities, and why they sometimes deliberatelyimpair their own performance or choose overambitious tasks in which they are sure to fail ( self -2 The psychology literature generally views introspection as quite inaccurate (Nisbett and Wilson [1977]), andstresses that learning about oneself is an ongoing process. Furthermore, the self is constantly changing ( , Rhoden-walt [1986]): PERSONAL characteristics evolve with age, the goals pursued shift over one s career and life cycle (oftenas the result of interactions with others), and the PERSONAL or economic environment in which these objectives arerewarded are pursued is typically , Gilbert and Cooper [1985] note that the classic attributional model of the causes of behavior.)


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